They helped oust a president - now South Korean women say they feel invisible again

4 hours ago Share Save Yvette Tan BBC News Reporting from Seoul Suhnwook Lee BBC Korean Reporting from Seoul Share Save

Getty Images Women played a key role in the protests leading up to the impeachment of South Korea's former president Yoon Suk Yeol

An Byunghui was in the middle of a video game on the night of 3 December when she learned that the South Korean president had declared martial law. She couldn't quite believe it - until the internet blew up with the evidence. The shock announcement from then-president Yoon Suk Yeol, the now-famous shots of soldiers breaking down the windows of the National Assembly and MPs scaling the walls to force their way into the building so they could vote the motion down. Within hours, thousands had spurred into protest, especially young women. And Byunghui joined them, travelling hundreds of miles from Daegu in the south-east to the capital Seoul. They turned up not just because Yoon's decision had alarmed and angered them, but to protest against a president who insisted South Korea was free of sexism - despite the deep discrimination and flashes of violence that said otherwise. They returned week after week as the investigation into Yoon's abuse of power went on - and they rejoiced when he was impeached after four dramatic months. And yet, with the country set to elect a new president on 3 June, those very women say they feel invisible again. The two main candidates have been largely silent about equality for women. A polarising subject, it had helped Yoon into power in 2022 as he vowed to defend men who felt sidelined in a world that they saw as too feminist. And a third candidate, who is popular among young men for his anti-feminist stance, has been making headlines. For many young South Korean women, this new name on the ballot symbolises a new fight. "So many of us felt like we were trying to make the world a better place by attending the [anti-Yoon] rallies," the 24-year-old college student says. "But now, I wonder if anything has really improved… I can't shake the feeling that they're trying to erase women's voices."

The women who turned up against Yoon

When Byunghui arrived at the protests, she was struck by the atmosphere. The bitter December cold didn't stop tens of thousands of women from gathering. Huddling inside hooded jackets or under umbrellas, waving lightsticks and banners, singing hopeful K-pop numbers, they demanded Yoon's ouster. "Most of those around me were young women, we were singing 'Into the World' by Girls' Generation," Byunghui says.

Getty Images Scenes from anti-Yoon protests which went on for weeks...

Getty Images as protesters held marches and vigils demanding his impeachment

Into the World, a hit from 2007 by one of K-pop's biggest acts, became an anthem of sorts in the anti-Yoon rallies. Women had marched to the same song nearly a decade ago in anti-corruption protests that ended another president's career. "The lyrics - about not giving up on this world and dreaming of a new world," Byunghui says, "just overwhelmed me. I felt so close to everyone". There are no official estimates of how many of the protesters were young women. Approximately one in three were in their 20s or 30s, according to research by local news outlet Chosun Daily. An analysis by BBC Korean found that women in their 20s were the largest demographic at one rally in December, where there were 200,000 of them - almost 18% of those in attendance. In comparison, there were just over 3% of men in their 20s at that rally. The protests galvanised women in a country where discrimination, sexual harassment and even violence against them has long been pervasive, and the gender pay gap - at 31% - is the widest among rich nations. Like in so many other places, plummeting birth rates in South Korea too have upped the pressure on young women to marry and have children, with politicians often encouraging them to play their part in a patriarchal society. "I felt like all the frustration that has built up inside me just burst forth," says 23-year-old Kim Saeyeon . "I believe that's why so many young women turned up. They wanted to express all that dissatisfaction." For 26-year-old Lee Jinha, it was the desire to see Yoon go: "I tried to go every week. It wasn't easy. It was incredibly cold, super crowded, my legs hurt and I had a lot of work to do… but it was truly out of a sense of responsibility."

Lee Jinha Lee Jinha with a friend at a protest, holding a poster calling for Yoon's impeachment

That is not surprising, according to Go Min-hee, associate professor of political science at Ewha Women's University, who says Yoon had the reputation of being "anti-feminist" and had "made it clear he was not going to support policies for young women". There were protests on the other side too, backing Yoon and his martial law order. Throughout, many young South Korean men have supported Yoon, who positioned himself as a champion of theirs, mirroring their grievances in his presidential campaign in 2022. These men consider themselves victims of "reverse discrimination", saying they feel marginalised by policies that favour young women. One that is often cited is the mandatory 18 months they must spend in the military, which they believe puts them at a severe disadvantage compared to women. They label as "man haters" those women who call themselves feminists. And they have been at the heart of a fierce online backlash against calls for greater gender equality. These groups have long existed, mostly out of the public eye. But over the years they moved closer to the mainstream as their traction online grew, especially under Yoon. It was them that Yoon appealed to in his campaign pledges, vowing to abolish the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, saying it focused too much on women's rights. And he consistently denied systemic gender inequality existed in South Korea, which ranks near the bottom on the issue among developed countries. But his message hit home. A survey by a local newspaper the year before he was elected had found that 79% of young men in their 20s felt "seriously discriminated against" because of their gender.

Getty Images Yoon's supporters, including young men who feel increasingly disenfranchised, rallied in defense of his decision to impose martial law

"In the last presidential election, gender conflict was mobilised by Yoon's party," says Kim Eun-ju, director of the Center for Korean Women and Politics. "They actively strengthened the anti-feminist tendencies of some young men in their 20s." During Yoon's term, she says, government departments or publicly-funded organisations with the word "women" in their title largely disappeared or dropped the reference altogether. The impact has been polarising. It alienated young women who saw this as a rollback of hard-won rights, even as it fuelled the backlash against feminism. Byunghui saw this up-close back home in Daegu. She says anti-Yoon protests were overwhelmingly female. The few men who came were usually older. Young men, she adds, even secondary school students, would often drive past the protests she attended cursing and swearing at them. She says some men even threatened to drive into the crowd. "I wondered if they would have acted this way had the protest been led by young men?"

The battle to be heard

With Yoon gone, his People Power Party (PPP) is in disarray and still reeling from his fall. And this is the first time in 18 years that there is no woman among the seven candidates runnning for president. "It's shocking," Jinha says, "that there's no-one". In the last election, there were two women among 14 presidential candidates. The PPP's Kim Moon-soo is trailing frontrunner Lee Jae-myung, from the main opposition Democratic Party (DP). But young women tell the BBC they have been disappointed by 61-year-old Lee. "It's only after criticism that that there were no policies targeting women that the DP began adding a few," Saeyeon says. "I wish they could have drawn a blueprint for improving structural discrimination."

Getty Images Lee Jae-myung, the main opposition candidate, is the frontrunner in the race

When he was asked at the start of his campaign about policies targeting gender inequality, Lee responded: "Why do you keep dividing men and women? They are all Koreans." After drawing critcism, the DP acknowledged that women still "faced structural discrimination in many areas". And it pledged to tackle inequality for women with more resources at every level. During his presidential bid in 2022, Lee was more vocal about the prejudice South Korean women encounter, seeking their votes in the wake of high-profile sexual harassment scandals in his party. He had promised to put women in top positions in the government and appointed a woman as co-chair of the DP's emergency committee. "It's evident that the DP is focusing significantly less on young women than they did in the [2022] presidential election," Ms Kim says. Prof Go believes it's because Lee "lost by a very narrow margin" back then. So this time, he is "casting the widest net possible" for votes. "And embracing feminist issues is not a good strategy for that." That stings for young women like Saeyeon, especially after the role they played in the protests calling for Yoon's impeachment: "Our voices don't seem to be reflected in the [campaign] pledges at all. I feel a bit abandoned."

Getty Images Women who led protests against Yoon and celebrated his impeachment say they feel overlooked in this election campaign

The ruling party's Kim Moon-soo, who served in Yoon's cabinet as labour minister, has emphasised raising birth rates by offering more financial support to parents. But many women say rising costs are not the only obstacle. And that most politicians don't address the deeper inequalities - which make it hard to balance a career and family - that are making so many women reconsider the usual choices. The Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, which Yoon had wanted to shut down, has also re-emerged as a sticking point. Lee has vowed to strengthen the ministry, while Kim says he will replace it with a Ministry of Future Youth and Family. The ministry already focuses on family services, education and welfare for children. Just under 7% of its total funding, which is about 0.2% of the government's annual budget, goes towards improving equality for women. But Prof Go says the ministry was "politicised by Yoon and has since been weaponised". "The ministry itself is not huge but it's symbolic… abolishing it would show that gender equality is unimportant."

Getty Images South Korea has one of the world's lowest birth rates, with many women choosing not to have children

It's also the target of a third candidate, 40-year-old Lee Jun-seok, a former leader of Yoon's party, who has since launched his own Reform Party. Although trailing Kim in polls, Lee Jun-seok has been especially popular with many young men for his anti-feminist views. Earlier this week, he drew swift outrage after a presidential debate in which he said: "If someone says they want to stick chopsticks in women's genitals or some place like that, is that misogyny?" He said the "someone" was frontunner Lee Jae-myung's son, who he claimed made the comment online, an allegation which the Lee camp has sidestepped, apologising for other controversial posts. But watching Lee Jun-seok say that on live TV "was genuinely terrifying," Byunghui says. "I had the scary thought that this might boost incel communities." Saeyeon describes "anger and even despair" sinking the "hopes I had for politics, which weren't that great to begin with". She believes his popularity "among certain sections of young men is one of the "significant repercussions" of South Korea "long neglecting structural discrimination" against women.

Getty Images Lee Jun-seok, once a PPP leader, is now running for office as a candidate of the Reform Party

The only candidate to address the issue, 61-year-old Kwon Young-gook, didn't fare well in early polling. "I'm still deliberating whether to vote for Lee Jae-myung or Kwon Young-gook," Saeyeon says. While Kwon represents her concerns, she says it's smart to shore up the votes for Lee because she is "much more afraid of the next election, and the one after that". She is thinking about Lee Jun-seok, who some analysts believe could eat into the votes of a beleagured PPP, while appealing to Yoon's base: "He is in the spotlight and as the youngest candidate, he could have a long career ahead." That is all the more reason to keep speaking out, Byunghui says. "It's like there is dust on the wall. If you don't know it's there, you can walk by, but once you see it, it sticks with you." It's the same for Jinha who says things can "never go back to how they were before Yoon declared martial law".

Getty Images The women the BBC spoke to said the protests against Yoon offered them hope, which they still hold on to

Parties jockey for power in Hamilton by-election

14 minutes ago Share Save Glenn Campbell Political Editor, BBC Scotland Share Save

SNS Hamilton Park Racecourse sits just beyond the boundary of the latest by-election battlefield

The famous Hamilton Park Racecourse lies on the edge of town, just beyond the boundary of the Holyrood constituency where voters are set to elect a new MSP. Its presence is a useful reminder that few places in Scotland are as familiar with runners and riders, favourites and outsiders. The current political race in this former coal mining heartland of west central Scotland will decide who represents Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse in the Scottish Parliament following the death of the SNP's Christina McKelvie. It also has wider significance. It is the largest test of voter opinion in Scotland since the UK general election in which Labour heavily defeated the SNP. It is also the first real opportunity to see if Reform UK's recent successes in England can give them what they call a "tartan bounce". The outcome will help shape the political narrative in Scotland ahead of the national Holyrood election next May.

While Hamilton has its place in the history of horse racing, it has also earned iconic status when it comes to jockeying for political power. It was here that Winnie Ewing made her stunning by-election breakthrough for the SNP in 1967. It was this town that gave the former NATO secretary general Lord Robertson his start at Westminster in 1978. It was the people of Hamilton South who elected Labour's Tom McCabe as the first MSP in 1999. Driving around what is now the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse constituency, you would be forgiven for thinking the 2025 contest was a two horse race between the SNP and Reform UK. That's only because these are the parties dominating billboard advertising. This observation takes no account of the intensive door knocking, direct mailing and social media campaigning that's been going on for weeks.

PA Media SNP leader John Swinney has been a familiar face around the constituency in the lead up to polling day

The SNP leader John Swinney has certainly acknowledged a third, red rosette-wearing horse in this race. My sense is that his comment came as something of a relief to Scottish Labour, who came second last time and expect to be regarded as the principal challenger to the SNP, who are defending the seat. Labour could certainly do with a win here. Having swept to power at Westminster last summer, Sir Keir Starmer's party quickly lost popularity with decisions like cutting winter fuel payments for pensioners. Even though changes to that policy have been promised, they will come too late for this by-election. The damage to Scottish Labour seems to have been done. The SNP tends to have a double digit lead over Labour in national opinion polls, with support for pro-UK parties heavily fragmented since the rise of Reform. That means that with around a third of the vote, the SNP can still be winners because Reform UK is principally drawing support away from the Conservatives and Labour. The arithmetic already takes into account a series of SNP controversies over independence strategy, gender self-identification, a police investigation into party finances, leadership changes and the collapse of a power-sharing deal with the Greens.

PA Media Scottish Labour leader Anas Sarwar regards his party as the principal challenger

These are challenging conditions for Scottish Labour to regain power at Holyrood after nearly two decades in the wilderness. That is the national picture suggested by a relatively limited number of opinion polls. This election is for a single constituency for which no formal polling has been published. In other words, there is plenty of room for surprise, especially if voters stay at home and turnout is low. At the start of this by-election campaign, a Labour source told me they would have a chance if the focus was on the SNP's record in government - on issues like long waits for NHS treatment. The same source said that if the vote became a referendum on Labour's first months in power at Westminster they would be in big trouble. Labour insiders now say they have identified enough potential support to win in Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse if (and it could be a big if) they can mobilise voters to turn out. By contrast, SNP campaigners say they are "ahead" while acknowledging that the buzz around Reform UK following their successes in English local and mayoral elections throws in an "unknown" factor. This is a contest that nobody wanted and there appears to be little enthusiasm for the political choice on offer. A senior figure in the SNP told me they had found voters angry with Labour but far from impressed with the SNP.

Local resident Nicole Copland says that things "don't really change"

Many of the locals who stopped to chat with me in the centre of Hamilton were thoroughly fed up with politicians of all stripes. Elizabeth O'Donohue seemed to speak for many when she said: "I think they're all as bad as each other." Des McDonagh, who has voted SNP in the past and tried Labour in 2024, said he was now "totally dismayed with the options available". Nicole Copland accused politicians of making "false promises" to reduce the cost of living and said that when she votes "things don't really change". Rising household bills, access to healthcare, taxes on small businesses and revitalising town centres are all issues that have come up in this campaign. The public frustration with established parties is palpable and this is where Reform UK has spotted an opportunity. They have no track record of election, never mind government, at any level in Scotland. Their key figures are councillors who have defected from the Scottish Conservatives. The party is now targeting Labour voters with their UK leader Nigel Farage arguing for the threshold at which working people begin paying tax to be raised to £20,000. He wants tighter controls on immigration and the asylum system to help pay for this change.

Getty Images Leader Nigel Farage has defended a controversial Reform UK advert

Across parties in Scotland, there is an acknowledgement that immigration is being raised by voters more than in the past. That is a policy area controlled by Westminster rather than Holyrood but that does not prevent discussion. In this campaign, Reform UK has claimed that the Scottish Labour leader Anas Sarwar would "prioritise the Pakistani community". That is the interpretation Reform has placed on a speech Mr Sarwar gave in 2022 at an event celebrating 75 years of Pakistan's independence - despite him not actually using those words in the clips they have chosen to promote on social media. They have been accused of racism by the SNP, Labour and the Greens, with the Liberal Democrats attacking Reform UK for "scummy tactics". The Conservatives under the leadership of Russell Findlay have largely kept out of the row. By doubling down on this claim Nigel Farage attracted fresh ire from Holyrood politicians, amplifying what appears to be an attempt to motivate voters for whom immigration is a concern. I saw examples of support for Reform in this constituency and also heard voters express disgust at the party's rhetoric. Reform's minimum ambition here is to finish third and push the Conservatives into fourth place - a potential outcome for which the Scottish Tories appear to be braced.

With less than a year to the Holyrood election, the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse result will be under scrutiny

Pundits, pollsters and political journalists will analyse the results carefully for insights into voter behaviour with less than a year until every Holyrood seat comes up for grabs. If the SNP hold on, that would compound the sense that although the party is far less popular than it has been, John Swinney could still be first minister after next year's Holyrood vote. If Labour take the seat, that would confound those who have come to believe that Anas Sarwar and his team will struggle to build sufficient support to be competitive in that contest. Anything other than an SNP or Labour win in Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse would be a huge political upset. That doesn't mean that whatever happens in this by-election will be replicated in the national election. They are not the same thing and voting patterns vary across the country. In the Hamilton area, candidates and boundaries change over time but this corner of Scotland's post-industrial centre is a consistent source of political intrigue. That remains the case as voters prepare for their next moment in the political spotlight.

Who is standing in the by-election?

The Mississippi town behind the box office hit Sinners

32 minutes ago Share Save Ana Faguy BBC News Reporting from Clarksdale, Mississippi Share Save

Reuters/ Kevin Wurm

When Edna Nicole Luckett sings the Blues on the stage at Red's, her voice, deep and soulful, echoes against the walls. The juke joint in Clarksdale, Mississippi is one of the last of its kind in the region, a landmark for a bygone era of American music. "I was raised in Delta dirt, sunshine and flatland that goes on for miles and miles," she sings, as people nod their heads and stomp their feet to the beat. Ms Luckett, like many who were raised in the Mississippi Delta, grew up listening to locally-crafted Blues music and singing in her church choir. It's experiences like hers - and places like Red's - that are getting a fresh moment to shine with the box office success of Ryan Coogler's film Sinners. The genre-defying film has earned more than $300 million (£22 million) globally, against a $90m (£67m) budget, and attracted the world's attention to a historic small town. For the those who live there - and especially those who still sing the Blues - the spotlight is welcome, in no small part because of Coogler's careful respect for their history. "I'm protective of how the Mississippi Delta is represented," Ms Luckett said.

Reuters/ Kevin Wurm The movie is getting six free screenings in Clarksdale, thanks to a local campaign

Clarksdale in the spotlight

Clarksdale was the place where blues legends like Sam Cooke, Johnny Lee Hooker and Muddy Waters got their start, but its significance was mostly known to music lovers. Like other small towns in the US south, Clarksdale has faced struggles. The town, home to 14,000 people, lost its only movie theatre in 2003. That meant that residents couldn't even watch Sinners in their hometown - until now. After a local appeal, Mr Coogler agreed to bring the film to town for six free showings this past week. The charge was led by Tyler Yarbrough, a Clarksdale native, who wrote a public letter to the director after seeing the movie in a nearby town. Set in 1932, Sinners tells the story of twin brothers, both played by Michael B Jordan, who return home to Clarksdale after World War One. Combining elements of musicals, horror and period drama, the movie fuses vampire lore with meticulous historic research about that time and place in America. "Beneath the horror and fantasy, your film captures the soul of this place: our history, our struggles, our genius, our joy, our community," Mr Yarbrough wrote.

Reuters/ Kevin Wurm Ryan Coogler travelled to Clarksdale to present free screenings of his film

He told the BBC he was moved to see this place represented with careful detail. "It was time traveling back to 1930's in Clarksdale, in our town, so this is the lives of my great grandma," he said. "The history from the farms to the juke joints was on full display." Mr Coogler, who also made Black Panther and Creed, said it was his Uncle James, a Mississippi native who loved Delta Blues, who helped inspire the film. Although the movie was ultimately filmed in Louisiana, he visited Clarksdale to do extensive research. "I never got to come here until working on this script," Mr Coogler told a crowd of 1,500 on Thursday. "It blew my mind — I got to meet musicians, I got to meet community members. It really changed me just to come here and do the research."

A changing town embraces its roots

Mural on the side of Delta Blues Alley Cafe in Clarksdale

While some remnants of the town depicted in the film remain, like many towns in America, its storefronts have been emptied and modernised - though it still enjoys tourist interest for its history. Odes to some of Clarksdale's blues legends, like Robert Johnson, are colourfully painted onto the sides of buildings, reminding people of the history of the streets where they walk. One of those streets used to be home to Delta Blues Alley Cafe, a blues joint owned by Jecorry Miller that burned to the ground last month. Mr Miller wants people to have a better understanding of the history that lives on the streets on Clarksdale and the movie is a way to grasp that. "The movie itself is going to be great for the town - we get nine times the population of our city that comes to visit the city every year, now it could be ten or 11 times the population that visits Clarksdale," Mr Miller said. "People being here spending their dollars is a great thing for us." And local residents said the attention is all the more welcome because they see themselves and their culture in the film. At the Thursday screening, longtime Clarksdale residents relished the details. Ms Luckett, the Blues singer, was listening to make sure the characters' dialect sounded right. She watched to see if the land in the backdrop of the film was as flat and green as it is in real life. "It was," she said with a smile.