Four days that took India and Pakistan to the brink

27 minutes ago Share Save Farhat Javed in Pakistan-administered Kashmir & Aamir Peerzada in India-administered Kashmir BBC News Share Save

BBC

Sixteen-year-old Nimra stood outside, rooted to the spot, as the Indian missiles that had woken her a moment ago rained down on the mosque a few metres from her house in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. She watched one tear the minaret off the top of the building. But she failed to realise she, too, had been struck - in the chest. When the family reached the relative safety of her aunt's house nearby, someone turned on a phone torch. "My aunt gasped. There was blood on my frock. It was pink and white but now soaked in red. I hadn't seen it before." Again they ran. "I was running but my hand was pressed on my chest the whole time. I didn't want to take it off. I thought if I let go, everything inside me would come out." A piece of shrapnel was lodged near her heart, she later discovered. A few hours later, in Poonch, Indian-administered Kashmir, a different family was dodging shelling which Pakistan had launched in response to India's missile strikes. "When the firing began, everyone ran for their lives - children clinging to their parents in fear," said MN Sudhan, 72. "Some families managed to leave for Jammu in their vehicles. We also decided to escape. But barely 10 minutes into our journey, a shell landed near our vehicle. The shrapnel tore through the car. My grandson died on the spot." "Our future was shattered at that [very] moment," Mr Sudhan said of 13-year-old Vihaan's death. "Now we're left with nothing but grief. I have witnessed two wars between India and Pakistan, but never in my life have I seen shelling as intense as this."

Reuters Vihaan's mother (centre) mourns her son at a cremation ground in Poonch

Nimra and Vihaan were among many of the villagers caught up in the deadliest attacks for several years in a decades-long conflict between two of the world's nuclear powers - India and Pakistan. Both sides administer the Himalayan region in part but claim it in full. Both governments deny targeting civilians, but BBC journalists in the region have spoken to families caught up in the violence. The strike that injured Nimra was part of India's armed response after a militant attack killed 26 people - mostly Indian tourists - last month at a beauty spot in India-administered Kashmir. Police there claimed militants included at least two Pakistan nationals. Pakistan has asked India for evidence of this, and has called for an independent inquiry into who was behind the attack. What followed was four days of tit-for-tat shelling and drone attacks, intensifying each day and culminating in missile strikes on military bases, which threatened to tip over into full-blown conflict. Then, suddenly, a ceasefire brokered by the US and other international players on 10 May brought the two nuclear powers back from the brink.

TASEER BEYG / BBC Nimra still has shrapnel lodged inside her body

Families on both sides of the Line of Control (LoC) - the de facto border in Kashmir - told us they had had loved ones killed and property destroyed. At least 16 people are reported to have been killed on the Indian side, while Pakistan claims 40 civilian deaths, though it remains unclear how many were directly caused by the shelling. We also heard from Indian and Pakistani government insiders about the mood in their respective administrations as the conflict escalated. In Delhi's corridors of power, the atmosphere was initially jubilant, an Indian government source told the BBC. Its missile attacks on targets in Pakistan-administered Kashmir and in Pakistan itself - including the Bilal Mosque in Muzaff arabad, which India claims is a militant camp, though Pakistan denies this - were deemed a success. "The strikes… were not limited to Pakistani-administered Kashmir or along the Line of Control," an Indian government source told the BBC. "We went deep - even into the Pakistani side of Punjab, which has always been Pakistan's red line." But the Pakistani military had been prepared, a source from the Pakistan Air Force told the BBC. Days earlier, the Pakistani government said it was expecting an attack. "We knew something was coming, and we were absolutely ready," one officer said, speaking on condition of anonymity. He said Indian fighter jets approached Pakistani territory and the air force was under instructions to shoot down any that crossed into its airspace or dropped a payload. Pakistan claims to have shot down five Indian jets that night, something India has remained silent on. "We were well prepared, and honestly, we were also lucky," the source said - his account repeated by two other sources. But Mr Sudhan, Vihaan's grandfather, said there had been no warning to stay indoors or evacuate. "Why didn't they inform us? We, the people, are caught in the middle." It is likely that no evacuation orders had been issued because the Indian government needed to keep the military strikes confidential, though the local administration had, following the April militant attack, directed locals to clean out community bunkers as a precautionary measure. A day after the initial missile strikes, Thursday, both sides launched drone attacks, though they each accused the other of making the first move. India began to evacuate thousands of villagers along the Indian side of the LoC. Just after 21:00 that evening, the Khan family in India-administered Kashmir decided they must flee their home in Uri, 270km (168 miles) to the north of Poonch. Most of their neighbours had already left. But after travelling for just 10 minutes, their vehicle was struck by shrapnel from a shell, fatally injuring 47-year-old Nargis. Her sister-in-law Hafeeza was seriously injured. They headed to the nearest hospital, only to find the gates locked. "I somehow climbed the hospital wall and called out for help, telling them we had injured people with us. Only then did the staff come out and open the gate. As soon as they did, I collapsed. The doctors were terrified by the ongoing shelling and had closed everything out of fear," Hafeeza said. Hafeeza's sister-in-law Nargis is survived by six children. The youngest daughter Sanam, 20, said the first hospital they went to was not equipped to help, and as they headed to another, her mother died of her injuries.

SYED SHAHRIYAR / BBC Sanam's mother Nargis was fatally struck by shrapnel

"A piece of shrapnel had torn through her face. My clothes were soaked in her blood… We kept talking to her, urging her to stay with us. But she passed away on the way." Since a ceasefire agreement between India and Pakistan in 2021 there had been relative peace in the region, locals told the BBC. For the first time in years, they had been able to live normal lives, they said, and now this sense of security was destroyed. Sanam, who lost her mother, said: "I appeal to both governments - if you're heading into war, at least secure your civilians. Prepare... Those who sit in comfort and demand war - they should be sent to the borders. Let them witness what it really means. Let them lose someone before their eyes." Sajjad Shafi, the representative for Uri in the regional government, said he had acted as promptly as possible. "The moment I got the news that India has attacked, I got in touch with people and started moving them out." After two days of attacks and counter attacks, the Indian government source said there was now a "clear sense in… power corridors that things were escalating but we were ready. "We were ready because India had spent the last 10 years acquiring and building strategic military assets - missiles, warheads and defence systems." On the international stage, there had been consternation that the tensions would not be de-escalated by the US, despite its diplomatic overtures during India and Pakistan's previous Kashmir clashes. US Vice President JD Vance said a potential war would be "none of our business". This statement came as no surprise, the Indian government source told the BBC. At that stage, "it was clear the US didn't want to get involved". By the following day, Friday, shelling had become more intense. Muhammed Shafi was at home with his wife in Shahkot village in the Neelum Valley, Pakistan-administered Kashmir, on the LoC. The 30-year-old was standing in the doorway, just a few steps away from where his son was playing; his wife standing in their courtyard.

TASEER BEYG / BBC Muhammed's wife was killed by a strike very close to their house

"I remember looking up and seeing a mortar shell coming from a distance. In the blink of an eye, it struck her. She didn't even have time to scream. One second she was there, and the next, she was gone. Her face... her head... there was nothing left. Just a cloud of smoke and dust. My ears went numb. Everything went silent. I didn't even realise I was screaming. "That night, her body lay there, right in our home. The entire village was hiding in bunkers. The shelling continued all night, and I stayed beside her, weeping. I held her hand for as long as I could." One of those in a bunker was his niece, 18-year-old Umaima. She and her family were holed up in the shelter for four days, on and off, in brutal conditions. "There were six or seven of us packed into it," she said. "The other bunker was already full. There's no place to lie down in there - some people stood, others sat. There was no drinking water, no food," with people shouting, crying and reciting prayers in the pitch black. Also in a bunker, in the Leepa Valley, Pakistan-Administered Kashmir - one of the most militarised and vulnerable valleys in the region - was Shams Ur Rehman and family. It is Shams's own bunker, but that night he shared it with 36 other people, he said. Leepa is surrounded on three sides by the LoC and Indian-administered territory, so Shams was used to living with cross-border tensions. But he was not prepared for the complete destruction of his house. He left the bunker at three in the morning to survey the scene. "Everything was gone. Wooden beams and debris from the house were scattered everywhere. The blast was so powerful, the shockwave pushed in the main wall. The metal sheets on the roof were shredded. The entire structure shifted - by at least two inches.

TASEER BEYG / BBC Shams Ur Rehman's house now has to be rebuilt after it was hit by three shells

"A house is a person's life's work. You're always trying to improve it - but in the end, it's all gone in seconds." Four hours later, back in the Neelum Valley, Umaima and her family also emerged on Saturday 10 May to a transformed landscape. "We came out of the bunker at seven in the morning. That's when we saw - nothing was left." As Umaima surveyed the ruins of her village, India and Pakistan's forces that day were trading ever more destructive blows - firing missiles at each other's military installations, which both sides accused the other of instigating. India had targeted three Pakistani air bases, including one in Rawalpindi - the garrison city that houses the Pakistan Army's General Headquarters. "This was a red line crossed," said one Pakistani officer. "The prime minister gave the go-ahead to the army chief. We already had a plan, and our forces were desperately ready to execute it… For anyone in uniform, it was one of those unforgettable days."

TASEER BEYG / BBC The Neelum valley lies along the Line of Control in Pakistan-administered territory

Pakistan hit back at Indian military installations. On the diplomatic front, this was seen as a moment to highlight the issue of Kashmir on the international stage, an official in the Pakistan foreign office told the BBC. "It was non-stop. Endless meetings, coordination, and back-to-back calls to and from other countries for both foreign minister and then the prime minister. We welcomed mediation offers from the US, the Saudis, the Iranians, or anyone who could help de-escalate." On the Indian side, the Pahalgam attack on 22 April had already prompted External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar to speak to at least 17 world leaders or diplomats, including UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. In most of these conversations, he has tweeted, the emphasis had been on the "cross-border terrorist attack" and focused on building a case to hold the perpetrators accountable for the attack. Then, on Saturday afternoon local time, in the aftermath of the latest missile exchanges, came a diplomatic breakthrough out of nowhere. US President Donald Trump took to social media to reveal that a ceasefire had been agreed. "After a long night of talks mediated by the United States, I am pleased to announce that India and Pakistan have agreed to a FULL AND IMMEDIATE CEASEFIRE. "Congratulations to both Countries on using Common Sense and Great Intelligence," he wrote on social media platform Truth Social. India has since downplayed Washington's role in the ceasefire and it has rejected that trade was used as a lever to achieve this. Behind the scenes, US mediators, diplomatic backchannels and regional players, including the US, the UK and Saudi Arabia, had proved critical in negotiating the climbdown, experts say. "We hit Pakistani strategic bases deep inside their territory and that must have worried the US," the Indian government source believes. In Pahalgam, the site of the militant gun attack that sparked the crisis, the search is still on for the perpetrators.

Getty Images Pahalgam was an area popular with tourists

Vinay Narwal, a 26-year-old Indian Navy officer, was on his honeymoon in Pahalgam when he was killed. He had got married just a week before the attack. A photo of Vinay's wife Himanshi, sitting near her husband's body following the attack, has been widely shared on social media. His grandfather Hawa Singh Narwal wants "exemplary punishment" for the killers. "This terrorism should end. Today, I lost my grandson. Tomorrow, someone else will lose their loved one," he said.

SYED SHAHRIYAR / BBC Rayees used to lead treks in Pahalgam

A witness to the attack's aftermath, Rayees Ahmad Bhat, who used to lead pony treks to the beauty spot where the shootings took place, said his industry was now in ruins. "The attackers may have killed tourists that day, but we - the people of Pahalgam - are dying every day since. They've stained the name of this peaceful town… Pahalgam is terrorised, and its people broken." The attack was a huge shock for a government which had begun to actively promote tourism in stunningly picturesque Kashmir, famed for its lush valleys, lakes and snow-capped mountains.

A letter from the M&S hackers landed in my inbox - this is what happened next

17 minutes ago Share Save Joe Tidy Cyber correspondent Share Save

BBC Joe Tidy interacted with hackers who claimed to have done the M&S and Co-op hack

Almost daily, my phone pings with messages from hackers of all stripes. The good, the bad, the not-so-sure. I've been reporting on cyber security for more than a decade, so I know that many of them like to talk about their hacks, findings and escapades. About 99% of these conversations stay firmly locked in my chat logs and don't lead to news stories. But a recent ping was impossible to ignore. "Hey. This is Joe Tidy from the BBC reporting on this Co-op news, correct?" the hackers messaged me on Telegram. "We have some news for you," they teased.

When I cautiously asked what this was, the people behind the Telegram account - which had no name or profile picture - gave me the inside track on what they claimed to have done to M&S and the Co-op, in cyber attacks that caused mass disruption. Through messages back-and-forth over the next five hours, it became clear to me that these apparent hackers were fluent English speakers and although they claimed be messengers, it was obvious they were closely linked to - if not intimately involved in - the M&S and Co-op hacks. They shared evidence proving that they had stolen a huge amount of private customer and employee information. I checked out a sample of the data they had given me - and then securely deleted it.

Shoppers have been met with empty shelves at some UK Co-op stores in recent weeks

Messages that confirmed suspicions

They were clearly frustrated that Co-op wasn't giving in to their ransom demands but wouldn't say how much money in Bitcoin they were demanding of the retailer in exchange for the promise that they wouldn't sell or give away the stolen data. After a conversation with the BBC's Editorial Policy team, we decided that it was in the public interest to report that they had provided us with evidence proving that they were responsible for the hack. I quickly contacted the press team at the Co-op for comment, and within minutes the firm, who had initially downplayed the hack, admitted to employees, customers and the stock market about the significant data breach. Much later, the hackers sent me a long angry and offensive letter about Co-op's response to their hack and subsequent extortion, which revealed that the retailer narrowly dodged a more severe hack by intervening in the chaotic minutes after its computer systems were infiltrated. The letter and conversation with the hackers confirmed what experts in the cyber security world had been saying since this wave of attacks on retailers began – the hackers were from a cyber crime service called DragonForce.

Who are DragonForce, you might be asking? Based on our conversations with the hackers and wider knowledge, we have some clues. DragonForce offers cyber criminal affiliates various services on their darknet site in exchange for a 20% cut of any ransoms collected. Anyone can sign up and use their malicious software to scramble a victim's data or use their darknet website for their public extortion. This has become the norm in organised cyber crime; it's known as ransomware-as-a-service. The most infamous of recent times has been a service called LockBit, but this is all but defunct now partly because it was cracked by the police last year. Following the dismantling of such groups, a power vacuum has emerged. Cue a tussle for dominance in this underground world, leading to some rival groups innovating their offerings.

Power struggle ensues

DragonForce recently rebranded itself as a cartel offering even more options to hackers including 24/7 customer support, for example. The group had been advertising its wider offering since at least early 2024 and has been actively targeting organisations since 2023, according to cyber experts like Hannah Baumgaertner, Head of Research at Silobeaker, a cyber risk protection company. "DragonForce's latest model includes features such as administration and client panels, encryption and ransomware negotiation tools, and more," Ms Baumgaertner said. As a stark illustration of the power-struggle, DragonForce's darknet website was recently hacked and defaced by a rival gang called RansomHub, before re-emerging about a week ago. "Behind the scenes of the ransomware ecosystem there seems to be some jostling - that might be for prime 'leader' position or just to disrupt other groups in order to take more of the victim share," said Aiden Sinnott, senior threat researcher from the cyber security company Secureworks.

Who is pulling the strings?

'You start to go crazy': The Australian who survived five years in a Chinese prison

1 hour ago Share Save Stephen McDonell China correspondent Reporting from Beijing Share Save

EPA Australian Matthew Radalj was held for five years in a Beijing detention centre, similar to the one pictured above in 2012

Sharing a dirty cell with a dozen others, constant sleep deprivation, cells with lights on 24-hours a day; poor hygiene and forced labour. These are some of what prisoners in Chinese jails are subjected to, according to Australian citizen Matthew Radalj, who spent five years at the Beijing No 2 prison – a facility used for international inmates. Radalj, who is now living outside China, has decided to go public about his experience, and described undergoing and witnessing severe physical punishment, forced labour, food deprivation and psychological torture. The BBC has been able to corroborate Radalj's testimony with several former prisoners who were behind bars at the same time he was. Many requested anonymity, because they feared retribution on loved ones still living inside the country. Others said they just wanted to try to forget the experience and move on. The Chinese government has not responded to the BBC's request for comment.

A harsh introduction

"I was in really bad shape when I arrived. They beat me for two days straight in the first police station that I was in. I hadn't slept or eaten or had water for 48 hours and then I was forced to sign a big stack of documents," said Radalj of his introduction to imprisonment in China, which began with his arrest on 2 January, 2020. The former Beijing resident claims he was wrongfully convicted after a fight with shopkeepers at an electronics market, following a dispute over the agreed price to fix a mobile phone screen. He claims he ended up signing a false confession to robbery, after being told it would be pointless to try to defend his innocence in a system with an almost 100% criminal conviction rate and in the hope that this would reduce the time of his incarceration. Court documents indicate that this worked at least to some extent, earning him a four-year sentence. Once in prison, he said he first had to spend many months in a separate detention centre where he was subjected to a more brutal "transition phase".

Matthew Radalj Radalj had lived in Beijing for a number of years when he was arrested in January 2020

During this time prisoners must follow extremely harsh rules in what he described as horrific conditions. "We were banned from showering or cleaning ourselves, sometimes for months at a time. Even the toilet could be used only at specific allotted times, and they were filthy - waste from the toilets above would constantly drip down on to us." Eventually he was admitted to the "normal" prison where inmates had to bunk together in crowded cells and where the lights were never turned off. You also ate in the same room, he said. According to Radalj, African and Pakistani prisoners made up the largest groups in the facility, but there were also men being held from Afghanistan, Britain, the US, Latin America, North Korea and Taiwan. Most of them had been convicted for acting as drug mules.

The 'good behaviour' points system

Radalj said that prisoners were regularly subjected to forms of what he described as psychological torture. One of these was the "good behaviour points system" which was a way – at least in theory – to reduce your sentence. Prisoners could obtain a maximum of 100 good behaviour points per month for doing things like studying Communist Party literature, working in the prison factory or snitching on other prisoners. Once 4,200 points were accumulated, they could in theory be used to reduce prison time. If you do the maths, that would mean a prisoner would have to get maximum points every single month for three-and-half years before this could start to work. Radalj said that in reality it was used as a means of psychological torture and manipulation. He claims the guards would deliberately wait till an inmate had almost reached this goal and then penalise them on any one of a huge list of possible infractions which would cancel out points at the crucial time. These infractions included - but were not limited to - hoarding or sharing food with other prisoners, walking "incorrectly" in the hallway by straying from a line painted on the ground, hanging socks on a bed incorrectly, or even standing too close to the window.

AFP/Getty The gates to Beijing No. 2 prison, pictured in 2012, where Radlj was held

Other prisoners who spoke about the points system to the BBC described it as a mind game designed to crush spirits. Former British prisoner Peter Humphrey, who spent two years in detention in Shanghai, said his facility had a similar points calculation and reduction system which was manipulated to control prisoners and block sentence reductions. "There were cameras everywhere, even three to a cell," he said. "If you crossed a line marked on the ground and were caught by a guard or on camera, you would be punished. The same if you didn't make your bed properly to military standard or didn't place your toothbrush in the right place in the cell. "There was also group pressure on prisoners with entire cell groups punished if one prisoner did any of these things." One ex-inmate told the BBC that in his five years in prison, he never once saw the points actually used to mitigate a sentence. Radalj said that there were a number of prisoners - including himself - who didn't bother with the points system. So authorities resorted to other means of applying psychological pressure. These included cutting time off monthly family phone calls or the reduction of other perceived benefits.

Food As Control

But the most common daily punishment involved the reduction of food. The BBC has been told by numerous former inmates that the meals at Beijing's No 2 prison were mostly made up of cabbage in dirty water which sometimes also had bits of carrot and, if they were lucky, small slivers of meat. They were also given mantou - a plain northern Chinese bread. Most of the prisoners were malnourished, Radalj added. Another prisoner described how inmates ate a lot of mantou, as they were always hungry. He said that their diets were so low in nutrition – and they could only exercise outside for half an hour each week – that they developed flimsy upper bodies but retained bloated looking stomachs from consuming so much of the mantou. Prisoners were given the opportunity to supplement their diet by buying meagre extra rations, if money from relatives had been put into what were called their "accounts": essentially a prison record of funds delivered to purchase provisions like soap or toothpaste. They could also use this to purchase items like instant noodles or soy milk powder. But even this "privilege" could be taken away. Radalj said he was blocked from making any extra purchases for 14 months because he refused to work in the prison factory, where inmates were expected to assemble basic goods for companies or compile propaganda leaflets for the ruling Communist Party.

AFP/Getty Images Media were given rare access to see inside another Beijing prison - No 1 - back in 2012

To make things worse, they were made to work on a "farm", where they did manage to grow a lot of vegetables, but were never allowed to eat them. Radalj said the farm was displayed to a visiting justice minister as an example of how impressive prison life was. But, he said, it was all for show. "We would be growing tomatoes, potatoes, cabbages and okra and then – at the end of the season – they would push it all into a big hole and bury it," he added. "And if you were caught with a chilli or a cucumber in general population you would go straight to solitary confinement for eight months." Another prisoner said they would occasionally suddenly receive protein, like a chicken leg, to make their diet look better when officials visited the prison. Humphrey said there were similar food restrictions in his Shanghai prison, adding that this led to power struggles among the inmates: "The kitchen was run by prison labour. Those who worked there stole the best stuff and it could then be distributed." Radalj described a battle between African and Taiwanese groups in Beijing's Prison No 2 over this issue. The Nigerian inmates were working in the kitchen and "were getting small benefits, like a bag of apples once a month or some yogurt or a couple of bananas", he said.

Courtesy Matthew Radalj Radalj, pictured with his father, says he has a responsibility to those still imprisoned

Then the Mandarin-speaking Taiwanese inmates were able to convince the guards to let them take over, giving them control of precious extra food items. This led to a large brawl, and Radalj said he was caught in the middle of it. He was sent to solitary confinement for 194 day after hitting another prisoner. Inside solitary, he finally had the lights turned off only to realise he'd be with very little light nearly all of the time, giving him the opposite sensory problem. His small food ration was also cut in half. There were no reading materials and there was nobody to talk to while he was held in a bare room of 1.2 by 1.8 metres (4ft by 6ft) for half a year. "You start to go crazy, whether you like it or not, and that's what solitary is designed to do… So you've got to decide very quickly whether your room is really, really small, or really, really big. "After four months, you just start talking to yourself all the time. The guards would come by and ask 'Hey, are you okay?'. And you're like, 'why?'. They replied, 'because you're laughing'." Then, Radalj said, he would respond, in his own mind: "It's none of your business."

Another feature of Chinese prison life, according to Radalji, was the fake "propaganda" moments officials would stage for Chinese media or visiting officials to paint a rosy picture of conditions there. He said, at one point, a "computer suite" was set up. "They got everyone together and told us that we'd get our own email address and that we would be able to send emails. They then filmed three Nigerian guys using these computers." The three prisoners apparently looked confused because the computers were not actually connected to the internet - but the guards had told them to just "pretend". "Everything was filmed to present a fake image of prisoners with access to computers," Radalj said. But, he claims, soon after the photo opportunity, the computers were wrapped up in plastic and never touched again.

The memoirs

Courtesy Matthew Radalj Radalj kept a journal in prison (pictured) detailing his time behind bars

Throughout much of the ordeal, Radalj had been secretly keeping a journal by peeling open Covid masks and writing tiny sentences inside, with the help of some North Korean prisoners, who have also since been released. "I would be writing, and the Koreans would say: 'No smaller… smaller!'." Radalj said many of the prisoners had no way of letting their families know they were in jail. Some had not made phone calls to their relatives because no money had been placed in their accounts for phone calls. For others, their embassies had not registered family telephone numbers for the prison phone system. Only calls to officially approved numbers worked. So, after word got round that the Australian was planning to try to smuggle his notes out, they passed on details to connect with their families. "I had 60 or 70 people hoping I could contact their loved ones after I got out to tell them what was happening."

He wrapped the pieces of Covid mask as tight as he could with sticky tape hoarded from the factory and tried to swallow the egg-sized bundle without the guards seeing. But he couldn't keep it down. The guards saw what was happening on camera and started asking, "Why are you vomiting? Why do you keep gagging? What's wrong?" So, he gave up and hid the bundle instead. When he was about to leave on 5 October 2024, he was given his old clothes which had been ripped five years earlier in the struggle over his initial arrest. There was a tear in the lining of his jacked and he quickly dropped the notes inside before a guard could see him. Radalj said he thinks someone told the prison officers of his plan because they searched his room and questioned him before he left. "Did you forget something?" the guards asked. "They trashed all my belongings. I was thinking they're gonna take me back to solitary confinement. There will be new charges." But the guard holding his clothes never knew the secret journal had been slipped inside. "They were like, 'Get out of here!'. And it wasn't until I was on the plane, and we had already left, and the seat belt sign was switched off, that I reached into my jacket to check." The notes were still there.

Life After Prison

Courtesy Matthew Radalj Radalj married his long-time girlfriend after finally making it back home

Pop culture re-invented the Menendez brothers - but can it set them free?

25 minutes ago Share Save Ana Faguy BBC News Regan Morris BBC News, Los Angeles Share Save

Getty Images

It was once unthinkable that Lyle and Erik Menendez, the men who murdered their wealthy parents by shooting them 16 times, would get the sympathy and forgiveness of the masses. Their claims of sexual abuse at the hands of their father were mocked by prosecutors and comedians alike, from late-night TV to jokes at the Academy Awards. But 35 years later - thanks in part to TikTok, Netflix and stars like Kim Kardashian - the Menendez brothers have a new generation of supporters - many who were not even born in 1989, the year the brothers ambushed their parents with shotguns in their Beverly Hills mansion. At the time of their trials, the brothers were portrayed as greedy, entitled monsters who went on a $700,000 (£526,0000) spending spree in the weeks after the murders. Now, with a growing understanding of trauma and sexual abuse, many are more sympathetic - and that might just give the brothers a chance at freedom. This week, a Los Angeles judge reduced the brothers' sentence to include the possibility of parole, which could be granted at a hearing next month. Their fate will then be in the hands of California's Parole Board and, ultimately, Governor Gavin Newsom, who will be weighing the shifting public opinion about the divisive case with his own political ambitions.

Watch: "Redemption is possible" - Family and attorney of Menendez brothers react to resentencing

How did we get here?

In 1989, Erik and Lyle Menendez burst into their Beverly Hills living room, both toting loaded shotguns, and opened fire on their parents, who were watching television. The crime would go unsolved for months. They got tickets for the James Bond film License to Kill as an alibi and told law enforcement and members of the news media, who were covering the execution of the wealthy, high-powered couple in their mansion, that perhaps the mafia was to blame. Meanwhile, they bought a new Porsche, Jeep, Rolex watches and other luxury items with cash from their parents' estate. They weren't caught until police got word of their admissions to a psychologist. Even at the time, their crime was divisive - the first trial ended un a mistrial after the jury couldn't reach a verdict. After the second, they were sentenced to life without parole. During both trials, the brothers were characterised as bad boys and spoiled children who were motivated to kill their parents out of hatred and hopes to acquire their $14 million estate. Saturday Night Live and other late-night shows mocked the pair's defence in court – including tearful testimony about their alleged sexual abuse, which prosecutors dubbed the "abuse excuse" - and documentary titles from that decade included phrases like "the bad sons" and "American sons, American murderers". Appeal after appeal was denied but last year, everything seemed to change. New evidence about the alleged sexual abuse had surfaced and Netflix released a drama that captured the attention of a whole new generation. Soon, documentaries about the case included titles with words like "misjudged" and "boys betrayed". TikTokers discussed the case with their followers. Reality star Kim Kardashian, a criminal justice advocate who has helped free imprisoned people, penned an opinion piece publicly backing their bid for freedom. "Back then, there were limited resources for victims of sexual abuse, particularly for boys," Kardashian wrote in the NBC piece. In the 1990s, society did not have the same understanding we do today of trauma, sexual abuse and harassment, Whitney Phillips, a University of Oregon professor who studies true crime, told the BBC. That gap in understanding was especially pronounced for boys who were abused, she added. But after the MeToo movement, there was more cultural space created for people to speak about these experiences, she said. "Not only does it create a permission structure," Prof Phillips said of people feeling encouraged to speak out about harassment and abuse, "in some ways it creates an incentive structure to feature stories about trauma". Adding to that is the change in how the public views criminal justice, with more emphasis on rehabilitation and reducing prison populations instead of the tough-on-crime mentality that dominated Los Angeles at the end of the 20th Century. "The lock people up forever attitude of the 1990s is fortunately long gone," said Robert Rand, a journalist who met and interviewed the brothers before they were arrested and uncovered new evidence in 2018 - a letter Erik had written as a teenager to a cousin about his father's sexual abuse. In a documentary Mr Rand produced about the killings, released in 2023, a former member of the boy band called Menudo, alleged the Menfather - who was an executive at RCA Records - had raped him when he was 14 years old, which further bolstered their claims. The new testimonies helped give new life to the brothers' claims, and provided a catalyst for what Prof Phillips called a "hurricane" of interest and support, from the Netflix drama to Kardashian's op-ed. "The things that get really big online are things that have lots of sources of energy," she said. Even Lyle Menendez noted the sea change. "The followers who are younger that are on that sort of TikTok social media generation, they really have tremendous hope," Lyle Menendez said at a court hearing. "I'm not as hopeless as I was as a 21-year-old, that's for sure. Obviously, I feel more hope when society seems to be understanding these experiences and sex abuse better."

Getty Images The fate of the brothers rests with California Gov Gavin Newsom, who is thought to be a potential US presidential contender

Where do the Menendez brothers go from here?

Gove 'in agreement' with Swinney over second independence referendum

24 minutes ago Share Save David Wallace-Lockhart Scotland Correspondent Share Save

PA images Michael Gove will take up his seat in the House of Lords next week

There could be a second Scottish independence referendum if the public show "overwhelming support" for one, according to Michael Gove. The former Conservative minister, who sat in the cabinet for most of the period between 2010 and 2024, told BBC Scotland's The Sunday Show that he didn't think another referendum was necessary. But he conceded that the UK government may have to change approach if SNP popularity and support for another vote grows. Last week, First Minister John Swinney said that he wanted to achieve "demonstrable support" for independence.

UK is a 'living thing'

Gove, who held various cabinet positions under three Conservative prime ministers, was often tasked with overseeing relations between the UK and Scottish government. While he doesn't think Scottish independence is currently on the agenda, he is warning supporters of the union not to "assume any degree of complacency." Gove described the UK as a "living thing" and added that politicians had to continually demonstrate that the union was working. The former minister said that he didn't think a second referendum was "necessary at the moment", but added that if there was "an overwhelming desire on the part of the Scottish people for one then we'd have to review the decision." When pressed on what would trigger such a change in policy, Gove said that was for the Westminster government to decide. He added that he believed too much focus on the constitution was bad for all political parties and that governments should "retain confidence" by concentrating on the economy, health and transport.

PA Media Michael Gove has held several cabinet positions under three prime ministers

Gove was part of a government that rejected requests from the Scottish government for a second referendum. He denied that this was anti-democratic and insisted that Scotland had "more important" issues to deal with. Gove now suggests that the likelihood of a second independence vote was linked to the SNP's ability to improve public services. "If, for the sake of argument, the SNP make all of those decisions in government in a way that gives people confidence in them then we might be in a different position [on a second referendum]", he said. Michael Gove and SNP leader John Swinney do not have much in common politically, but they seem to be delivering a relatively similar message on this topic. Last week, the first minister talked about securing "demonstrable support" for independence. Swinney compared this to the 1997 referendum for a Scottish parliament, which was backed by around 74% of Scots. The message seemed to be that independence will move forward when public support demands it in greater numbers.

Getty Images Surprisingly, Mr Gove has found himself sharing the same position as First Minister John Swinney (pictured) on the issue of an independence referendum

But the first minister also told BBC Scotland News that it was "completely unacceptable" for the independence movement "to be thwarted by a Westminster government that just folds it's arms and says 'no'." Gove is no stranger to disagreements with Scottish government ministers. He insists that relations were broadly cordial and productive when he was in government. But it's fair to say there were times when relationships soured. Back in 2023, the UK government made the unprecedented decision to veto Holyrood's Gender Recognition Reform bill. This legislation would have made it easier for trans people to 'self-identify' and change their legally recognised sex, without a diagnosis of gender dysphoria. Gove chaired a committee of ministers who agreed to enact Section 35 of the Scotland Act. This allows a UK minister to veto a Holyrood bill if they think it would modify laws reserved to Westminster and have an "adverse effect" on how those laws apply. This power had never been used before and it has not been used since. Last month, the Supreme Court ruled that the term 'woman' related to biological sex under the Equality Act. And Gove believes this proved that deploying the section 35 order was the correct call. "I think it was absolutely the right decision, and I think it's been vindicated by subsequent events", he added. Though Mr Gove stressed that the Section 35 provision must remain a "fail safe power" that is "used sparingly". At the time the Scottish government characterised the veto as a "direct attack" on the Scottish Parliament.

Getty Images The former MP will be known as Lord Gove of Torry in the House of Lords - after the area his family hailed from

Fatal blast near Palm Spring fertility clinic 'act of terrorism' - FBI

The damage premises of the American Reproductive Centers in Palm Springs, California

Rhino Williams, who was at his restaurant nearby, told the BBC he heard the blast, initially thinking a plane or helicopter had crashed.

The FBI later said it had "a person of interest" in its investigation, but officers were "not actively searching" for the suspect.

The blast happened just before 11:00 local time (19:00 BST) less than a mile from downtown Palm Springs, near several businesses including the American Reproductive Centers (ARC). The clinic said no-one from the facility was harmed.

FBI officials in California have called a bomb explosion outside a fertility clinic - that killed one person and injured four others - an "intentional act of terrorism".

He said he ran to the scene to see if he could help, finding a badly damaged building with walls blown out and the front axle of a car on fire in the parking lot.

"That's all that was left of it," Mr Williams said. He also saw an iPhone on a tripod still standing in the parking lot, as if it was set to film or stream the explosion.

Mr Williams said he rushed through the building shouting for any injured people - but did not find any. A few minutes later first responders arrived.

Palm Springs police chief Andy Mills said the blast damaged several buildings, some severely.

He added that the identity of the person who was killed was not known.

California Governor Gavin Newsom said the state was co-ordinating with local and federal authorities to respond to the incident.

US Attorney General Pam Bondi said she had been briefed on the incident.

The ARC in Palm Springs said the explosion occurred in the parking lot near its building.

It is unclear what the cause of the explosion was.

Palm Springs Mayor Ron De Harte told BBC's US partner CBS News that the source of the explosion "was in or near the vehicle".

The incident appeared "intentional", Palm Springs police officers Mike Villegas told reporters on Saturday afternoon. He added that it remained an active investigation.

The fertility clinic said their lab, including all eggs and embryos, remained "fully secure and undamaged".

"We are heavily conducting a complete safety inspection and have confirmed that our operations and sensitive medical areas were not impacted by the blast," the clinic said in its statement.

But Dr Maher Abdallah, who runs the clinic, told the Associated Press that the clinic's office was damaged.

"I really have no clue what happened," he said. "Thank God today happened to be a day that we have no patients."

According to its website, the ARC clinic is the first full-service fertility centre and in vitro fertilisation lab (IVF) in the Coachella Valley.

It offers services like fertility evaluations, IVF, egg donation and freezing, reproductive support for same-sex couples and surrogacy.

The BBC has reached out to Palm Springs police for further comment.

Far-right leaders attempting to hijack success of Reform

16 minutes ago Share Save Billy Kenber Politics investigations correspondent Share Save

PA Media Mark Collett speaks during a protest by nationalist group Patriotic Alternative in 2023

Two prominent far-right figures have set out plans to hijack the success of Reform UK and push the party towards extremist views. David Clews, a conspiracy theorist and far-right influencer, and Mark Collett, a Nazi-sympathiser who set up the far-right Patriotic Alternative (PA), have called for supporters to "infiltrate" Nigel Farage's party to push their own "pro-white" and anti-immigration agenda. In an online broadcast, Clews claimed - without offering evidence - that sympathisers were already active inside Reform, including "branch chairs" and people "on candidate lists". A Reform spokesman said the far-right would never be welcome in the party and a "stringent vetting process" was in place.

"These people know they are not welcome and never will be," they added. But Clews said far-right infiltrators would be difficult for Reform to detect because the individuals had no public ties to far-right organisations. "[They] watch alt media, they know the score, they've got no social media profile and they are members now of Reform and they're going to work their way up within that," he added. Clews and Collett, who previously worked for the BNP, have signed a "declaration of intent" to "drag Reform to the right". "We encourage all of our supporters to become active organisers and members of Reform and seek candidacy to become MPs, mayors, councillors, police commissioners, MSPs, researchers, party staffers etc," they wrote, pledging to provide "security and on the ground support" for Reform candidates if necessary. Under the pair's strategy, small anti-immigration parties would be asked to stand aside to improve Reform's chances of winning and far-right activists would campaign against Reform's opponents. Some members of PA have been convicted of terrorism and racial hatred offences. Earlier this year, an undercover investigation by the BBC recorded members of the group using racial slurs and saying migrants should be shot.

Mark Collett, who set up the far-right Patriotic Alternative, said Reform's success was helping to shift what was considered acceptable for political debate

Clews and Collett have listed the political goals they hope to make part of Reform's platform, which include "ensuring the indigenous people of the British Isles remain a super majority by reducing immigration and beginning the process of mass deportations". The broadcast this week setting out the strategy on Clews' own United News Network (UNN) channel was first identified by the campaign group Labour Against Antisemitism. Collett said Reform's success was helping to shift what was considered acceptable for political debate. He pointed to Conservative shadow justice secretary Robert Jenrick's recent comments that in Dagenham the "British population has reduced by 50% in the last 25 years" as proof. "We won't be dropping our policies, our anti-Zionism, our anti-Net Zero," Collett added. "We won't be dropping our demands for a super majority of white Britons in Britain. So we're not selling anything out. All we're doing is using Reform as a wrecking ball."